巴黎学派和布尔克特的理论差异

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标签: 巴黎学派 布尔克特 献祭理论

巴黎学派和布尔克特的理论差异 
Sarah Peirce, "Death, Revelry, and "Thysia"", Classical Antiquity, 1993, vol.12, no.2, pp. 219-266.

In the sacrificial theory of the Paris school thysia is a classificatory ritual that, through the establishment of modes of eating proper to each species, determines man's place in the universe in distinction from gods and beasts. (P222) 
Sacrificial meaning in this theory stems from the use of the animal as food:

  • cosmic classification is established by the assignment of bones and knise to the gods, cooked meat to men;
  • civic, by the division of meat and sharing of splanchna.
  • Yet the treatment in this theory of the subsidiary matter of the slaughter of the victim gives the issue of death and violence unexpected importance. 
    The theory posits that the open intrusion of killing into the ritual is so potentially disruptive of the symbolic system established by thysia that the procedures of thysia are required to dissemble and neutralize the death. (P222)

    The Paris school has elaborated the view that the procedures of thysia exclude and deny violence in opposition to the ideas of Burkert, according to whom "the ritual of a Greek sacrifice is designed to display the destruction of life as the sacral center of the action." (P223)

  • In Burkert's view this destruction of life and the feelings it arouses are the aim and purpose of the ritual: "The worshipper experiences the god most powerfully in the deadly blow of the axe, the gush of blood and the burning of thighbones."
  • Burkert describes sacrifice as "the most thrilling and impressive combination" of the elements of mysterium tremendum, augustum etfascinans.
  • The fear, guilt, and awe inspired by thysia, and its allure, stem from an identification of the death of the animal with murder.
  • Clearly important for Burkert in his discussion of sacrifice is a point of definition, the identity of sacrifice and slaughter.

  • A similar identification of sacrifice with the slaughter that occurs in it, and the view that the slaughter is the focus of strong feeling, are scholarly orthodoxy, reflected in common phraseology: the killing in (P223)thysia is called the "actual sacrifice," or "the sacrifice itself," the center or apex of the ritual and "the moment of religious intensity." (P224)
  • 两种方法的比较

  • The intellectual foundation of Burkert's theory of sacrifice is in the first instance evolutionism (though the superstructure is quite eclectic): Burkert's first principle is the definition of sacrifice as a universal category, whose character as murder in its Greek context is determined by its origins in a primordial ritual of the Palaeolithic hunt. 
    The Paris-Lausanne school by contrast, as a fundamental principle of method, rejects the concept of global cultural phenomena such as sacrifice, defining thysia by its particularity, as a symbolic system that is uniquely bound to and expressive of one particular society, the Greek polis.
  • Further, Burkert's characterization of thysia is based on his historical reconstruction of its Palaeolithic milieu; the social data from the Greek sphere are called in to confirm the hypothesis but are all but irrelevant to its construction. 
    For the Paris school, on the other hand, the statements of the Greeks themselves are the foundation of the analysis of thysia.
  • Finally, in Burkert's theory surmised emotions and psychological states are key elements in his historical reconstruction: early man's consciousness of kinship with his prey, his natural aversion to killing, his aggression, shock, and guilt are adduced to account for the forms of classical Greek killing ritual. 
    In the work of the Paris Lausanne school, however, surmises about emotion do not serve as the foundation for theory, except, oddly, in this specific matter of killing in thysia. (P224)
  • Interestingly, the phenomenological ideas of Burkert converge with the social views of the Paris school in minimizing the aspect of the thysia as an offering to deities.

  • Burkert adapts a phenomenological model of religion, ultimately Durkheimian in origin, to Meuli's idea of sacrifice as essentially ritual slaughter rather than a gift to the gods, to produce the idea that in sacrifice the sacred is (P224) 
    resident in the experience of sacrificial slaughter.(P225)
  • The view of the Paris school, too, seems to have Durkheimian antecedents: the religious function of the ritual is the establishment of the structure of the cosmos via meat eating; the gods in a sense then function as a projection or representation of the structure of the society.
  • The conclusions of both schools are based on a structural reading of the ritual.

  • For both, this reading gives special importance to certain features - the concealment of the knife, the acquiescence of the victim, the sudden surprise of the killing; for Burkert, the ololuge as well. The results reveal a limitation in the method: thysia cannot be both a display and a dissimulation of killing. (P225)

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