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标签： Economic Social History Ancient Greece
I Concepts and General Problems
The controversy over the ancient Greek economy
In 1817 August Boeckh published his great work on the political economy of the Athenians, Die Staatshaushaltung der Athener. (p.3) 1817年，奥古斯特出版了第一本关于雅典政治经济的著作。(注：但对古代史研究没有什么影响）
The first general attempt came towards the end of the nineteenth century and is associated with the names of the great German philologist-historians Eduard Meyer, K.]. Beloch and Georg Busolt (especia lly Edu ard Meyer)3. (p.3) 第一次（研究古代经济史的）尝试是在19世纪末，并且和德国历史文献学家的名字联系在一起。
Just as their conception of the political history of Greece was distorted by the contemporary German preoccupation with the problem of national unity, so too the picture they drew of Greek economic history was a more or less faithful
replica of the economic development of modern Europe. (p.4) 前面学者所描绘的希腊经济史或多或少是现代欧洲经济发展的翻版。
Clearly the discussion had been wrongly approached and so made a bad start. ……The problem was forced (and has long continued to be forced) into the straitjacket of a simple alternative : was the Greek economy modern or primitive ? (p.5) 研究起了一个很不好的头。问题被迫变成二选一，即希腊经济是现代的还是原始的？
The fundamental question of deciding whether or not it was possible to study the Greek 'economy' in isolation and with the use of concepts created for the modern world was not even raised. (p.5) 那个根本问题即是否能够孤立地研究希腊经济并且使用为现代社会所创造的概念还没有提出来。
（Max Weber）He approached the subject from the angle of institutions and laid stress on the particular characteristics of Greek history ; his aim was to define the ancient Greek city as opposed to the medieval city. The Greek city was an aristocracy of warriors - or even of sailors -and a city of consumers, whereas the medieval city was a city of
producers. (p.6) 韦伯从制度的角度来接近该主题，并且强调希腊历史的特殊特征；他意在把希腊城市与中世纪城市区别开来。希腊城市是一个实行武士贵族制，或者甚至是水手的，的城市，是一个消费城市。而中世纪的城市则是一个生产城市。
Weber emphasized particularly the role of war in Greek history : Greek democracy, a political club of the citizens, would redistribute to its members the fruits of war-tribute, land and so forth. (p.6) 韦伯强调战争在希腊历史中的角色：希腊的民主制把战争的成果重新分配给它的成员。
Hasebroek shifted the discussion away from the forms and range of economic activity to the links between the economy and the political life of the Greek city. (p.6) （韦伯的学生）把讨论从经济活动的形式和范围转换到经济与政治生活的联系上。
In so far as Greek states showed any interest in economic problems, they sought only to secure imports of materials and commodities essential for the life of the city : citizens mattered (p.6)
only as cons umers, not as producers9. (p.7) 希腊城邦关心的是确保城邦生活的基本原料和商品的进口：公民只是作为消费者而生产者。
What they did was to lift the discussion from the level of facts and economic forms in the abstract to that of the relationship between the econ omy and the institutions of the Greek city : there could be no valid study of the Greek
economy outside the framework of the city. (p.7) 韦伯和他的学生所做的贡献是把讨论从抽象的事实层面和经济形式提升到经济与城邦制度的关系上来：离开城邦框架讨论经济是无效的。
Hasebroek's works created a stir and gave fresh impetus to the controversy between 'modernists' and 'primitivists'. (p.7) （因为他们并没有消除争论）哈斯布洛克的著作为现代主义者和原始主义者的争论创造了新的刺激和推动。
Though there has been progress since Hasebroek in our detailed knowledge of the Greek economy, the fundamental problems have been freq uently neglected, and no comprehensive theory has been put forward to replace Hasebroek's in a study of the ancient Greek economy. (p.7) 尽管对希腊经济的细节了解多了，但基本问题却经常被忽视，并且没有全面的理论可以提出来代替哈斯布洛克的理论。
In his study of the position occupied by the economy in human societies Polanyi drew a very clear distinction between modern and other societies. (p.7) 波兰尼在现代和其它社会之间作出了清楚的区别。
To replace modern economic concepts in the study of other societies Polanyi put forward four schemes by reference to which one might understand the circulation and distribution of goods in such societies: reciprocity, redistribution, exchanges by means of trade, and household economy. (p.8) 为了代替现代经济概念，波兰尼提出了四个方案：互惠，再分配，贸易交换和家庭经济。
The economy in Greece is embedded in society
One fact which must be noted at the outset is that the very concept of 'the economy' in the modern sense is untranslatable in Greek, because it si mply did not exist . The Greek word oikonomia does not mean the same as our word 'economy', although the latter is of course derived from it. It means 'management of the household' (the oikos) in its bro adest sense (domestic economy, one might say), and not only in its strictly economic sense. (p.8) 古希腊不存在现代意义上的“经济”一词。oikonomia 指的是家务管理，这是广义上而非狭义上的含义。
There are two extant treatises of the fourth century both entitled Oikonomia, one by Xenophon and the other in three separate books, perhaps the work of three different writers of the Aristotelian school. (p.9) 现存有两部《经济学》，一个是色诺芬，另一个是亚里士多德学派的。
The strictly economic part is concerned with the running of the rural estate : agriculture is praised and sharply contrasted with other forms of economic activity - such as manufacture - which are said to be unworthy of a gentleman.
One will find in Xenophon's work a discussion of agricu lture and technical advice is provided, but one will also find a discussion of how the head of the oikos ought to treat his wife and slaves. ……economic and non -economic functions are fused together in the same person without it being possible to distinguish between them [see no 4] . (p.9) 色诺芬的著作中严格意义上的经济部分是有关乡村地产的运营，农业受到赞扬，并与其他经济形式形成对比，像手工制造之类的是不值得一个绅士去做的。并且人们会发现，首要事务是训练他的妻子和奴隶。经济和非经济因素混合在一起难以区别。
To use once more the terminology of Polanyi, the economy was embedded in society in its widest sense. 'Economic' matters were constantly under the influence of factors and considerations which nowadays we might describe as 'non -economic'. Consequently economic analysis will lead up not only to political analysis, but also to ethical analysis and the study of values in general. (p.11) 希腊经济是嵌在最宽泛意义上的社会中的。因此必须分析经济不仅要分析政治，还要分析伦理和对一般价值的研究。
'N on-economic' factors and economic activity
In this hierarchy of occupations agriculture al most always held a place of its own at the top of the scale and was sh arply distinguished from other economic activities. (p.11) 在职业等级中，农业总是占据最上的位置，并明显区别于其他经济活动。
At the bottom of the scale one finds the other forms of economic activity, trade and all the so-called 'banausic' occupations which implied manual work. (p.11) 最底端的是贸易和所有所谓的“机械呆板的”的职业即手工业。
it remains true of the whole of classical antiquity that while the work of the artisan was admired, he was neglected or down-graded as a person [see no II]. And what is most important, there never was, except in the constructions of some theorists like the town-p lanner and philosop her Hippodamus of Miletus, any such thing as a category of artisans.(p.12) 整个古代，尽管工匠的作品受到赞赏，但工匠本身作为一个人却受到忽视或者压制。最重要的是，从来没有工匠这么一个范畴。
In the classical city technical functions and political functions did not depend on each other ; rather, they were two
different spheres which did not overlap. (p.12) 在古典城邦中，技术的功能和政治的功能不相互依赖，相反，他们是两个不相重叠的不同领域。
The ambiguous role of technical and economic activity in Greek thought can be illu strated by a number of facts from religion. (p.12) 技术和经济活动在希腊思想中的模糊角色，可以用许多宗教的因素来解释。（例如普罗米修斯既是人类的恩人，又是宙斯的反对者）
Besides the hierarchy of occupations, and indeed hardly to be distinguished from it, there existed a hierarchy of modes of acquisition : some were considered legi timate, others were susceptible of incurring moral reprobation, depending on the spirit in which they were resorted to. Here again ethical considerations intervened to counteract the development of strictly economic values. (p.13) 除了职业有等级外，获取方式也有等级之分，有些是合法的，有些会招致道德批判。这又是伦理因素阻碍了严格意义上的经济价值的发展。
By contrast war and politics were perfecta bly respectable - or at least legitimate - modes of acquisition [see nos 7� 8� 9], and this holds good for every period of Greek history (w ith certain qualification s, of course) . (p.13) 战争和政治是受尊敬的获取方式，至少是合法的方式，每个时期都是如此。
Even granted these li mitations, it would be wrong to imagine that every war was undertaken in an acquisitive spirit. It would be even more dangerous to state that wars in Greece had 'economic causes '. The ca uses of wars were often to be found at a political level. ……One may say that in ancient Greece one often reaches econ omics via war, but could hardly say that one reaches war via econ omics.(p.14) 但古希腊人并不为掠夺而发动战争。政治因素而非经济因素是战争的主要原因。
Another series of imp ortant facts in the study of the economy in Greece concerns work. The first point is that the unified concept of work as one of the great functions of man which falls into a multiplicity of different forms was unknown to the Greeks . ……the Greeks only saw a multiplicity of different occupations. (p.14) 古希腊人没有一致的工作概念，只有各种各样的不同职业。
Another point is th at work as such never acquired for the Greeks any positive value of its own . ……work was for most people an unavoida ble necessity, but for all that it did not acquire any intrinsic value. (p.14) 工作本身对古希腊人而言并没有积极的价值，尽管工作是必不可少的。
Another distinction must be mentioned, and once more it is of a moral kind.……The free man, if he had to work, wanted therefore to work for himself, not for someone else. (p.15) 另一个伦理上的区别不得不提，自由人，如果他必须工作他想为自己而非为他人工作。
Should one see in all these ideas nothing but the reflection of aristocratic prej udices and dreams of reactionary philosophers ? (p.15) ……as a whole the aristocratic values were not challenged. (p.16) 这些贵族的价值观总的来说没有受到挑战。
The Greek definition was quite different : the two categories did not correspond to two extremes, on the contrary they- touched each other and could even overlap. The criterion was not a given standard of wealth but the need for work. A Greek was wealthy if he could live without having to work, poor if he did not have enough to live on without working.(p.16) 古希腊人关于富与贫的标准是活着需不需要工作而非财富。
Very often moral qualities were attached to notions of wealth and poverty : wealth was generally considered a 'b less ing'29 and a precondition for the development of human virtues, whereas poverty was a 'misfortune ', which corrupted man and made him incapable of virtue [see nos I8, II3 ]. All this brings one back to what was said earlier on the absence of any positive evaluation of work : leisure and the absence of need for econ omic activity represented a very wide
spread ideal. (p.16) 伦理价值经常被赋予贫富概念：财富是被视为“神恩”，并且是发展人类美德的前提条件。这些都导致对工作积极评价的缺失：闲暇和无须工作代表了一个广泛存在的理想。
There was first some evolution in time. ……The explanation for this apparent evolution in ideas lies once more, it would seem, in the conditions and spirit in which the work was carried out, and here again the criterion of self-suffi ciency and personal freedom came into play. (p.16) 有一次及时的革命。自给自足和个人自由的标准起重要作用。
A distinction should also be drawn between different Greek states. (p.17) 希腊不同城邦之间有很大区别。
But one must also avoid the opposite excess which consists in seeing in these ideas nothing but aristocratic prej udices or philosopher's utopias which had no real influence on Greek history. (p.17) 不能以为贵族的偏见和哲学家的乌托邦思想对真实的历史没有产生影响。
Slavery in Greece
But from what has been said above on negative ju dgments on manual work, on the absence of an ideology of work, on the ideal of leis ure and the role of war in the life of the Greek states, it will be clear why servile lab our should have appeared to the Greeks to be the unavoida ble precondition of civilized life. (p.18) 从前面对有关手工业、工作、闲暇和战争等的看法可知，奴隶的功劳是希腊文明生活必不可少的前提条件。
The Greeks in the classical period were well aware of the fact that their civilization had started from modest origins and had gradually risen to a higher level (the opening chapters of Thucydides are an excellent illustration [see nos 7� 53� 55� 107] ). (p.18) 古希腊人意识到了历史在发展。
In addition, the acceptance of the inequality of mankind was a fundamental premiss of Greek history, and one that was never seriously challenged in practice. (p.18) 对人类不平等的接受是希腊历史的一个根本前提，而且在实践中并没有受到严肃的挑战。
But the Greek point of view was different: the freedom of some could not be imagined without the servitude of others and the two extremes were not thought of as contradictory, but as complementary and interdependent. (p.19) 希腊人认为某些人的自由在没有其他人受奴役的情况下是无法想象的。自由与奴役不矛盾，相反，是互补的和相互依赖的。
It is to be expected, therefore, that one should find servile lab our in one form or another at every period of Greek history , and that no one should have seriously questioned the need for it. (p.19) 每个时期都能发现这种那种形式的奴隶劳动，而且没有人会严肃地质疑这种需要。
Clearly, for the average Athenian in the classical period nothing see med more natural than to wish to pass on to sl aves part at least of one's work. (p.19) 古典时期，每个雅典人自然地想要有一个奴隶来分担他的工作。
Social history
The pro blems one meets in the study of Greek social history are of the sa me kind as those which concern economic history, and to some extent they are connected. (p.20) 在经济史中遇到的问题在社会中常常也会遇到，二者某种程度上是联系在一起的。
The extreme point on this line was reached not by the German historians mentioned above (Ed. Meyer and others) but by R. von Pohlm ann in his Geschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der antiken Welt. (p.20)
One preliminary point is that ju st as there was no autonomous 'economic' category for the Greeks, similarly there was no independent 'social' category. (p.20) 古希腊没有一个独立的“社会”范畴。
In particular one will search in vain for the place held by different groups in the relations of production as a criterion of ancient class struggles. There was of course nothing approaching what we call a 'working class' , but most important it is not their place in production which separates social groups. (p.22) 我们找不到以不同集团在生产关系中的地位差异作为阶级冲突的划分标准。当然也没有所谓的“劳动阶级”，但最重要的是并不是在生产中的地位划分出了社会团体。
Slaves, or at least those one calls 'chattel-sl aves', did not therefore constitute a class, though this did not prevent them from being, (p.22) 奴隶，至少所谓的“资产奴隶”没有因此形成一个阶级。
In the first place the antagonism was not to be found between groups holding different places in the relations of production but, roughly speaking, ,between the propertied and the non-propertied, with ownership of land as the main form of wealth. In practice the antagonism was for most of the time between a wealthy minority and a more or less impoverished maj ority, though it must be noted, as Aristotle pointed out, that the essential criterion was not that of (p.23) numbers but th at of wealth. (p.24) 首先冲突对立不存在于在生产关系中处于不同地位的人之间，而是在有产者和无产者之间。根本标准是财富而非人数。
The antagonism between the propertied minority and the nonpropertied majority was fundamental in Greek class struggles ; yet by itself it was not sufficient to set in motion conflict between organized groups. And here the second essential characteristic comes in : class struggles could be expressed between citizens only through their belonging to the state (6r the possibility of belonging to it) and the possession of political power which this implied . (p.24) 少数有产者和多数无产者的对立冲突是希腊阶级冲突的基本冲突，但还不足以形成有组织的社会集团之间的运动冲突。因此，第二个本质特征是，阶级冲突能够在他们所属的城邦中表达出来。
From what has been said one would not expect th at struggles between citizens revolved pu rely around specifically economic iss ues, and in fact political demands and economic demands often formed a single inseparable whole. (p.24) 公民的斗争很少是专门为经济问题的，事实上政治需求和经济需求经常构成一个不可分割的整体。
When during the fourth century and for a variety of reasons (see Chapter 7) the ideal of the peasant-citizen began to lose ground both in reality and in ideology, the classical polis then started on its decline. (p.25) 在公元前四世纪，由于许多因素，农民－公民的理想在实际上和意识形态上都开始丧失根基，古典城邦于是开始衰落了。
One of these divisions was that between men and women. (p.25) （除了有产者和无产者的划分外）另一划分是男人与女人。
Another division is that which existed between young and old47 ; this may represent the reworking of a distant past but it can still be seen at work right in the middle of the historical period [see no I7] . (p.26) 另一划分是年轻人和老人。
All Greek states, whether democratic or oliga rchic, made use of the principle of seniority in the attribution of political power.(p.26) 所有的希腊城邦，无论民主还是寡头，在政治权力分配中都利用了年长的原则。
The main sources
It has been stated above th at for the Greeks there did not exist any autonomous economic and social categories . One cannot therefore expect to find any specia list literature on this subj ect among Greek writers. One may mention, however, as having special importance (apart from the historians) the writings of the political(p.26)
theorists of the fourth century, Plato and Aristotle, and especially the latter's Politics ; the treatises on Economics mentioned above, which have some affinities with Hesiod's Works and Days, a didactic poem which gives valuable information on the life of a Boeotian peasant around 700 BC ; the so-called Ways and Means of Xenophon, a pamphlet dating from about 355 BC in which the author suggests a number of remedies designed to rescue Athens from the financial difficulties in which she found herself, and which is a rem arkable commentary on the economic mentality of a Greek city in the classical period ; Attic comedy ; the orators of the late fifth and fourth centuries ; and others besides.
Besides literary texts there is the evidence of ins criptions (there are of course no documentary papyri before the Hellenistic period)48 . Useful inscriptions of the archaic age are few, and it is only with the development of the radical democracy in Athens in the middle of the fifth century that the practice of publishing public documents more or less systematically (s uch as decrees, treaties, etc.) became general. The contribution of inscriptions to social and economic history is considerable . Here too, it is the whole of epigraphic evidence which is lia ble to provide information. One may mention especially texts on state finances (inventories, accounts of the trea suries of temples, accounts of state
expenditure, the so-called 'tribute lists' of the fifth-century Athenian empire, legislation on certain economic questions, etc.) ; treaties with foreign states which inclu ded at times some economic clauses ; the Horoi (s tone pillars) found on estates in Attica in the fourth century ; many ins criptions relating to metics and slaves ; and so forth .
Finally, there is the contribution of archaeology. There is no point in listing here what archaeology has added and may still add to our knowledge of social and economic history ; it is enough to refer to a number of recent works49. Archaeology may reveal all sorts of facts otherwise unknown : for example, it may tell us something on trade and relatio ns between Greek states, or between Greeks and non-Greeks. It can also confirm, correct and amplify what was already known through literary sources (as for example the activity of the Greeks in Egypt in the archaic period). In general, whatever is unearthed through excavation is lia ble to fit into a social and economic framework. Among the types of objects which are more speci a lly useful for economic history one (p.27)
must mention coin hoards5I and especially vases, though one must be wary of drawing too far-reaching conclusions from the evidence of pottery finds alone, a temptation historians have often succumbed top .
When all these different types of sources, literary, epigraphic, and archaeological are put together, the evidence for Greek social and economic history may seem abundant. And yet one must never lose sight of the limi tations of our knowledge. One of the major gaps in the study of Greek economic history is the lack of reliable statistical data, and the consequent impossibility of any detailed statistical approach to the subj ect. Thus we do not know for ·sure the exact population figures for Athens in the classical period, let alone other Greek states, and what can be put forward on this subj ect must remain more or less plausible guesses. In general the classical period is much better known than the centuries which preceded it. The quality and amount of the evidence vary also from region to region. As for Greek history in
general, Athens takes the lion's sh are in most of the extant sources . It would be foolish to deny the gaps and risks of imba lance which any enquiry into Greek history must face. (p.28)
2 The Homeric World
The Mycenaean world
Mycenaean Greece in the Bronze Age, a history not of cities, but of kingdoms, which although small scale were centralized and bureaucratic in character, and to some extent imitated the contemporary civilizations of the Near East. (p.36) 迈锡尼时代的希腊处于青铜时代，是一部王国史，小范围中央集权并且是官僚体制，近似同时的近东文明。
The break which occurred at the end of the Bronze Age was therefore the most profound in Greek history. (p.36) 青铜时代末期发生的断裂是希腊历史上最重要的。
The question of deciding what historical period the evidence of 'Homer' can be referred to, and to what extent he can be used as a historical source, has been the subj ect of a long debate which is still far from settled, but in which one cannot avoid taking sides. (p.37) 荷马所涉及的历史分期问题是悬而未决的，并将持续争论下去，每个人都不得不采取一个立场。
The decipherment of Linear B has brought out even more clearly the difference between the Mycenaean world and Homeric society : there is a gulf between the Mycenaean palaces with their meticulous bureaucracy and the palaces of the Homeric kings, infinitely less complex in their organization, and in which writing, an essential element in the Mycenaean world, is completely missing. (p.37) 线形文字B表明迈锡尼世界和荷马社会有着巨大差别：官僚制的王宫，书写能力。
Sh ould one then consider the Homeric poems to reflect primarily the time in which they were composed, that is to say (according to the chronology most widely accepted at the moment) the eighth century, with the Iliad coming at the begin-(p.37)
ning of the century or slightly earlier, and the Odyssey in the second half ? This point of view is less widespread than the previous one, but it has been defended. (p.38) 荷马史诗主要反映了它的创作时代，即公元前八世纪。
Thus it has been possible to point to the links between the Odyssey and the beginnings of colonization in the west in the second half of the eighth century [see no 30]. (p.38) 我们能够指出《奥德赛》与公元前八世纪后半叶在西方殖民运动的初期的联系。
What he described was in all likelihood neither the Mycenaean world, nor his own time, but a world chronologically in between the two, namely the Greek world of the Dark Age in the tenth and ninth centuries, after the fall of the Mycenaean palaces but before the development of the polis in the eighth century which ushered in a completely new period of Greek history.
Yet one cannot start from a literal equation of the Homeric
world with the Greek world of the Dark Age.
(p.38) 荷马所描绘的既非迈锡尼也非他自己的时代，而更可能是二者之间的黑暗时代，即公元前十到九世纪。但不能完全在字面将二者划上等号。Schematically one may say that three historical levels coexist in Homer : the Mycenaean world the poet is seeking to recall ; the Dark Age ; and the poet's own time. It may often not be easy to distinguish clearly what belongs to one rather than to the other. (p.38)看起来应该是三个时代的混合，并且难以区分出来。
Be that as it may, and to return to more concrete problems, one notes that Homer is aware of the fact that the vanished Mycenaean world was richer and more powerful than the one he was living in. (p.39) 可以看出，荷马意识到消失了的迈锡尼世界是一个更富裕和更有权势的世界。
Furthermore the Homeric world is far too uniform : there is seemingly no awareness of the diversity between different parts of the Greek world at the time. It is difficult to believe that such was the situ ation in reality. (p.39)荷马世界太过于千篇一律，似乎没有意识到希腊世界各地的差异性，很难想象这是实际的情形。
Finally one must emphasize the differences between the Iliad and the Odyssey6 : strictly speaking there is no such thing as a 'Homeric society ', there is the society of the Iliad and that of the Odyssey. (p.39) 必须强调一下《伊利亚特》和《奥德赛》的不同，严格来说没有一个“荷马社会”，只有《伊利亚特》社会和《奥德赛》社会。
Characteristics of the Homeric world
The central ins titution in the Homeric world is, or at least appears to be, the aristocratic oikos. (p.40)荷马世界的核心组织似乎是贵族家庭。
It is true that one finds cities in Homer in the sense of urban settlements, with a centre where people meet together (the agora) . What is more, these cities are the only type of settlement known to the poet : there is no mention in Homer of villages which must have existed then in many parts of the Greek world just as they existed later. (p.40) 荷马只提到城市而没有乡村，但乡村无疑是存在的。
What is an oikos ? The word is so metimes rendered 'family' . But this is too narrow a tran slation and could be misleading. ……But it includes also all those people, whether free or slave, who depend directly on the head of the oikos - all those servants who are assigned to the many tasks required by the economic life of the aikas. ……In other words the aikas in its purely human sense is not an ins titution based solely on kinship .(p.41) 把oikos翻译成家庭过于狭隘，且有误导性。……它包括所有人，自由人和奴隶。……换句话说，它不是一个单纯的基于血缘的组织。
The oikos is an economic as well as a human unit, and it is managed by the head of the aikas, who in the Homeric world is a
great war leader like Menelaus or Odysseus. From the economic point of view the ideal of the oikos is self-sufficiency (this ideal will enjoy a long history in the Greek world) . ……The aikas is therefore at once a unit of production and con sumption, and most of its material needs are catered for without contacts with the outside world and apart from any commercial exchanges. (p.41) 家庭是一个经济单位，有家长管理。从经济理念上说，家庭的理想形态是自给自足的。……家庭是一个生产和消费单位，大部分原料不需要通过与外界交换获得。
What was the basis of the material wealth of an aristocratic aikas ? In the first instance, land : the noble warriors were landowners to start with. (p.41) 贵族家庭的首要财富是土地。
Apart from lan ded wealth, herds and flocks (and also slaves, who can be reckoned among the chattels of the oikos) , there was the accumulated 'treasure', kept in a special room in the centre of the manor. (p.42) 此外，还有珍宝。
Among the essential commodities which the oikos was unable to provide were notably metals and slaves. (p.42) 家庭所无法提供的基本商品是金属和奴隶。
The first means of acquisition was simply war, and in Homer, (p.42) 获得方式首先是战争。
To obtain metals and precious objects it was generally necessary to resort to exchanges, and war in any case had its dangers : one might be facing a stronger opponent and aggression would then (p.42)
recoil on the aggressor. (p.43) 必要是也诉诸交换。
In the Odyssey (but not in the Iliad ) one finds many examples of a technique of exchanges, that of gift and counter-gift, which is well known in many 'primitive' societies I4• In the Homeric world, as in many archaic societies, there are no disinterested gifts : one does not give simply in order to please, but because one anticipates in the long run a gift or a service in exchange. (p.43) 在《奥德赛》中可以发现，交换的一个方式是赠送和回馈礼物。在荷马世界中没有无私的礼物，赠送礼物不是为了取悦，而是为了交换。
The strictly non-commercial character of these exchanges must be emphasized ; all notions of profit were system atically excluded. ……Exchanges of this kind could thus fit acceptably into the framework of aristocratic values. (p.43) 这些（礼物）交换具有非商业性，所有的利润观念都被排除在外。……这正合贵族价值观。
Commerce existed, to some extent [see no 30], more in the Odyssey than in the Iliad, but was far from being very developed. (p.43) 商业更多地存在于《奥德赛》，但远未发展起来。
The lower classes in Homer
According to one widespread point of view, the essential criterion for determining a man's status in the Homeric world was not the possession or lack of personal freedom, but one's position in relation to the oikos. (p.44) 在荷马世界中决定一个人地位的根本标准不是是否拥有个人自由，而是他在家庭中的位置。
Besides, it is clear that the status of a slave could vary a great deal in reality. There was no distinction between free man and slave in the type of work they performed . (p.45) 很明显，奴隶的地位在实际差别很大。在自由人和奴隶所从事的工作之间并没有差别。
3 The Archaic Period (Eighth-Six th Centuries)
The development of the 'polis'
The archaic period is perhaps the most important period in Greek history. (p.49) 古风时代或许是希腊历史最重要的时代。
The birth of the polis is obscure. In fact it is difficult to try to establish an absolute beginning : the polis represents an 'ideal type', and all depends on what criteria one adopts. Furthermore the polis did not develop everywhere in the Greek world (see further Chapter 4), nor according to the same rhythm. (p.49) 城邦的产生是模糊不清的。事实上很难确定一个绝对的开端：城邦代表一个“理想类型”，一切取决于一个人所采用的标准。而且，城邦不是在希腊的每个地方都发展起来，发展节奏也是不一样的。
The most secure proof of the beginnings of the polis is provided by the so-called 'co lonizing movement' which began
towards the middle of the eighth century. (p.50) 城邦开始的最确定的证据是开始于公元前八世纪中期的所谓的“殖民运动”。
The causes of the development of the polis are not well known . It is customary to invoke geographical factors and to say that the physical fragmentation of Greece led to its political fragmentation. (p.50) 城邦发展的原因不很清楚。习惯上归因于地理因素，是希腊自然地理的碎片形态导致了政治上的碎片化。（作者后面认为这是不确切的）
And yet the geographical explanation really proves very little . (p.50)
Discussions on this subj ect serve only to show how impossi ble it is for us to adopt a criterion which fits simultaneously the polis in the early archaic period, in the classical period, or even the Hellenistic and Roman period. (p.51) （关于城邦出现进程的）讨论表明，我们不可能采用一个标准，同时适用于早期古风时期、古典时期，或者甚至是希腊化和罗马时期的城邦。
The most ancient document attesting the existence of formulae of collective decision such as 'It has been resolved by the polis' and of such a typically civic institution as the ban on reappointment to a magistracy within a lapse of ten years, is a Cretan inscription from Dreros, dating from the second half of the seventh century, and roughly contemporary with
Draco in Athens。 (p.52) 最早的可以证明有关建立城邦的集体决定的文献来自克里特的德雷洛斯，可以追溯到七世纪下半叶，大概和雅典的德拉古同时。
The main achievements of the archaic age in this field may be briefly noted. First, from the seventh century onwards, there was the codification of the laws, often through the action of a legislator, a figure whose function was at once secular and public in character. (p.52) 古风时期取得的成就，第一，从七世纪开始，有法典的编撰，通常通过一个立法者的行动。
Concurrently with the notion of citizen there developed gradually the antithetical notions which were to be clear-cut in the classical period, first that of the non-citizen, who was outside the political community, secondly and especially that of the slave, the complete outsid er, deprived of liberty and who in theory had no rights at all. (p.52) 与公民观念同时发展起来的是它的对立观念，即非公民观念，与外邦人和奴隶明确区分。
It is interesting to see that the people of Chios were reputed to have been the first to turn to the purchase of foreign slaves, as it is precisely from Chios that comes one of the earliest pieces of evidence showing an evolution towards democracy . The two processes are linked . (p.53) 有趣的是，开俄斯人是第一个贩卖奴隶的，同时也是第一个进行民主革命的。
The troubles of the archaic age
But already in the seventh century maritime commerce becomes an activity in its own right, even if it had not been earlier : the word emporos in the sense of 'maritime trader' appears, whereas in Homer it did not as yet have a technical meaning. (p.54) 在七世纪，即使不是更早，此时海洋商业已经成为一个正当的活动：emporos代表海洋商人的词已经出现，而在荷马这是不存在的。
Nevertheless there is no doubt that there grew up in the archaic age an urban demos(p.54)
based on manufacture. (p.55) 毫无疑问，古风时期发展出一个基于手工业的城市德谟。
The origins of coinage
Recent studies have renewed the conception historians had of the reasons for the invention and spread of coinage and have shifted the emphasis to the non-economic .aspects 'Of the process . (p.56) 最近的研究强调了货币出现的非经济因素。
The invention and spread of coinage would have to be placed in the framework of the development of social relations and the definition of values, a fundamental tendency of the archaic age, (p.56) 货币的发明和传播应该置于社会关系的发展和价值的定义（古风时期的基本倾向）的框架内。
The life of the civic community could not be conceived without the existence and enforcement of norms known to all, and the invention of coin age would fit into this context. (p.57) 没有所有人都了解的规范的存在和巩固，城邦共同体的生活是不可想象的，而货币的发明正适应于这个背景。
The absence of small denominations in the coinage of many cities implies that the invention of coinage did not aim initially at facilitating local trade. Furthermore large denominations do not seem to have circulated very widely outside their area of issue (as -for example the Sicilian coinages) ; circulation of goods and circulation of coinages do not by any means overlap systematicallyI6, and longdistance trade need not have been one of the factors in the creation of coinage. (p.57) 在许多城邦的货币中，小面额的缺失暗示着货币的发明不是为了当地贸易的方便。而且，大面额似乎不在发行地区以外进行流通；商品的流通和倾向的流通并不系统地重叠，远途贸易的需要不是货币制造的因素之一。
One must emphasize especially the development of civic consciousness : in the history of the Greek cities coinage was always first and foremost a civic emblem . To strike coins with the badge of the city was to proclaim one's political independence. (p.57) 必须特别强调的是，公民意识的发展：在希腊城邦的历史中，货币是城邦首要且最重要的象征。给货币印上城邦的标志就是在宣告一个城邦的独立。
Once more it can be seen th at it is impossible to reach 'economics' in a pure form.
Agrarian aspects of the crisis
It seems that the economic causes of the crises of the archaic period - when it is possible to catch a glimpse of them - were connected directly or indirectly with the land, and the demands of an economic kind which were heard then, as later in Greek history, centred around the land. (p.58) 古风时期危机的经济因素直接或间接地与土地问题相关，并且希腊史经济要求总是以土地为中心。
Many parts of the Greek world seem to have suffered from the eighth century onwards from overpopulation, attested to indirectly by the considerable increase in the size and numbers of settlements revealed by archaeology. (p.58) 八世纪以来希腊许多地方出现了人口过多，考古发现的居民点规模和数量的增加可以间接证明这点。
It is usually assumed that the essential problem was that· of debt : the mass of the Athenians had in ' one way or another placed itself in debt with the wealthy and had been redu�ed to the status of hectemoroi, that is to say 's ixth
parters' who were compelled to pay to their creditors one-sixth of their produce (these are none-monetary loans, simi lar to those already mentioned by Hesiod). (p.60)
The different solutions to the crisis : colonization
One of the most impor tant characteristics of the archaic age was what is cOl).ventionally, though misleadingly, referred to as the 'colonizing movement" which started towards the middle of the eighth century and went on to about the end of the sixth, ……the colonizing movement was clearly linked to the problems which affected the Greek world at this period. (p.61) 古风时期最重要的特征之一是殖民运动，从八世纪开始到六世纪末期。……殖民运动是与该时期希腊世界所面临的问题联系在一起的。
Colonization has often been discussed according to this simple alternative : did it. represent a search for new land or was it motivated by trade ? (p.61) 殖民运动经常根据这种简单的二选一模式进行探讨：它是为了寻求新土地还是为贸易所驱动。
There is first the essential distinction between the typical 'colony', the apoikia, which was founded from the outset to
become an independent city (altho ugh more or less close relations, depending on circumsta nces and periods, would subsequently be maintained with the mother city) 2s, and the strictly commercial settlement, the emporion, of which several cases are known in the archaic period. (p.61) 殖民类型的本质的第一个区别是独立城邦还是商业据点。
The typical colonies, and by far the most numerous, were essentially agrarian settlements, as is now generally accepted, and as a whole series of indications leads one to suppose; The Greeks in the classical period took it for gran ted that the effect of colonization was to act as a safety valve against overpopulation .(p.61) 典型的殖民地，也是数量最多的，本质上是农业定居点。古典时期希腊人理所当然地认为殖民的作用是作为一个安全的解决人口过剩问题的阀门。
The search for new land, then, was the principal ca use of archaic colonization. (p.63) 寻求新土地是古风殖民的主要原因。
Such were the typ ical colonies : autonomous agricultural comm unities founded under the aegis of a mother city which provided the oikistes (the founder) and pres umably also provided ships, tech nicians, etc. to found the new colony. (p.63)
注：有些殖民地会通过把土著居民变为奴隶来弥补劳动力的不足。
The imports of corn
One important economic novelty of the archaic period was the development of an import trade in corn towards the Greek world. This trade seems to have begun towards the end of the seventh century. (p.69) 古风时代一个很重要的经济新事物是输入希腊世界的粮食进口贸易。大概开始于七世纪末期。
This may not be a coincidence : it may be that this move corresponds to the pressure which these cities of Asia Minor came under at that ti me, notably on the part of the Lydian kingdom . The impo rts of grain would then have constituted originally a means of facing these pressures and freeing oneself from total dependence on one's own territory. (p.69) 贸易可能是与小亚城邦所受吕底亚王国的压力相呼应。粮食进口成为一个应对这种压力和从依赖中解放出来的一个手段。
It is possible that the Greek cities of Sicily exported corn to the Greek world already in the archaic age, but there is no direct proof of this. (p.69) 很可能西西里的希腊城邦在古风时代已经出口粮食到希腊世界，但还没有直接的证据。
Redistribution of land and improvement in the status of the peasants
The causes of tyranny vary from place to place, but most often tyranny was anti-aristocratic in character. (p.70) 产生僭主的原因各不相同，但大多数的僭主具有反贵族的性质。
It was during the seventh century that the characteristic slogan of Greek history -redistribution of land - made its appearance. (p.70) 七世纪的希腊历史的典型口号是重新分配土地。
In addition the tyrants contributed to the development of civic consciousness, through the building of temples, civic monuments, the promotion of religious festivals and popular cults such as that of Dionysus, the creation of a currency. (p.70) 此外，僭主对公民意识的发展也作出了贡献，通过建立神庙，城邦纪念碑，提升宗教节日和流行崇拜如狄俄尼索斯，以及制造货币。
Peisistratus has often been credited with the redistribution of land which Solon had refused to carry out. (p.71) 庇西特拉图经常被认为进行了土地的再分配，这是梭伦不敢做的。
4 The Archaic States and Sparta
Typology of Greek states希腊城邦的类型
As with all Greek institutions, a great deal of variety is to be found, owing to the existence of intermediate types in the principal categories. (p.78) 希腊制度由于在主要类型中存在着许多居中的类型，因此存在着众多的变化。
The first distinction which must be made is that between ethnos (people, tri be) and polis (city) which is best rendered as 'state without an urban centre' and 'state with an urban centre. (p.78) 第一个区别是部落和城市，即没有中心城市城镇的城邦和有中心城镇的城邦。
One factor which was often decisive in their lack of centralization was their geographical extension, which made it
difficult for them to be transformed into genuine poleis with a single urban centre. The ethnos type of state represents a much less developed stage than the polis and chronologically it precedes it. (p.79) 导致缺乏城镇化的一个关键因素是地理上的延展，这使得他们很难形成一个真正的带有唯一中心城镇的城邦。这种“ethmos”类型的城邦是较“polis”发展程度低的发展阶段，并且在时代上先于后者。
It should be noted straightaway that here and there development beyond the most 'primitive' stage began to
take place : within the same 'ethnic' group poleis might begin to grow up, become more or less independent from the ethnos and pursue an autonomous political life. (p.79) 发展基本超出了最原始的阶段：在同一个“种族”集体内，城邦开始出现，或多或少地独立于部落，并且追求一个自治的政治生活。
And yet it is during the fourth century that some of these eth nos-type states, which had hitherto played onl y a limited
part in Greek history, began to take over politically from the principal poleis, which by this time had exhausted themselves ; in the following century they were even to play a leading role. (p.80) 在四世纪时，此前在历史上一直扮演有限角色的ethnos城邦开始从主要城邦那里接手政治，在接下来的一个世纪他们甚至扮演一个领导角色。
Another distirrction which may be made is th;;lt between the classi cal city (of which Athens is the obvious prototype) and those states which did not , undergo an equally' developed evolution in certain essential fields. (p.80) 另一个区别是古典城邦与那些在关键领域未经历同等程度变革的城邦。
The essential criterion which distinguishes modern ' states from the more archaic types is the, degree of clarity with which the notions of citizen and free man as opposed to slave were defined. 区别现代城邦和古风城邦的关键标准是划分公民和自由人与奴隶和外邦人的概念的清楚度。
But not every Greek city reached this stage :" in archaic states the notions of citizen and free man were less precise, the categories less clear cut and the existence of intermediate stages between the categories helped to blur the outlines even further. (p.81) 在古风城邦中，公民和自由人的概念并不清晰，公民与非公民概念的中间形态的存在更模糊了这一切。
The principal categories in Sparta
The Homoioi (Peers)
The Spartiates represent the most extreme example in Greek history of the rej ection of economic activity [see nos 37, 56] . (p.82) 斯巴达人是拒斥经济活动的极端例子。
The Spartan system represents in fact a reaction against the tradition of the oikos ; as part of this reaction (p.82)
all family values were repressed and crushed. (p.83) 斯巴达的体制实际上是对家庭传统的一种反动；家庭价值受到压制和摧毁。
Among the Spartiates equality was the ideal, and this ideal was expressed in the very name they gave themselves, the Peers. (p.83) 在斯巴达人中平等是他们的理想，这种理想表达在他们自己给自己的名字中，即 平等人。
The first derogation from the egalitarian ideal was the existence of the double kingship, an institution of unknown origins and one which has no parallel in the rest of the Greek world. (p.83) 第一个损害这种平等主义理想的是双王制的存在。
Besides, it is clear that within the body of the Peers there existed a de facto aristocracy, which surpassed in wealth and influence the other less fortunate Peers. This aristocracy may well have existed from the very origins of classical Sparta. What is more, the general evolution tended to reinforce these social differences and encourage the concentration of
wealth (especially landed property) among an ever more restricted number of people. (p.84) 在平等人中实际存在着贵族，他们在财富和影响力都超过了其他人。更重要的是，总的趋势是这些社会差异在不断加强，导致财富日益集中在越来越少数人中。
Equality among the Spartiates was therefore never more than an impossible ideal and reality moved further and further away from it. (p.84) 在斯巴达中平等只是一个不可能的理想，而且现实离它越来越远。
The Perioikoi
One noteworthy fact which illustrates the difference between archaic states and modern ones of the Athenian type is that the Perioikoi, although they had no share in the decisions of the government of Sparta, were nevertheless in some way part of the state. (p.85) 一个解释古风城邦和古典城邦差异的事实 是Perioikoi属于城邦的一部分，尽管在斯巴达政府中不能分享决策权。
Furthermore, the small communities of the Perioikoi were homogeneous and owned their land, and here again they are in sharp contrast to the metics in Athens, whose origins were very mixed and who were debarred £rom the right of owning land, a privilege which was restricted to citizens (s ee Chapter 5). (p.85) 再者，Perioikoi 的小社区是同种人，拥有自己的土地，这就与雅典的外来人形成了对比。
They cultivated their lands and carried on manufacture ; they must have been responsi ble, for example, for providing the state with weapons. It is prob ably to them too that one must attribute the so-ca lled 'Laconi an' pottery of the archaic period . (p.85) Perioikoi 耕种土地，从事手工业，他们有义务为城邦提供武器。可能他们也要进贡所谓的古风时代的拉科尼亚陶。
In general they were one of the essential elements in the stability of Sparta . (p.86) 总的来说，他们是斯巴达稳定的一个关键因素。
The Helots
They represent two quite different types of subj ection, which have a distinct history and origins: slavery of the Athenian type was a more modern institution and Helotage a more arch aic one, with the former eventually establishing itself
in the classical period as the 'n ormal' type in Greek history. (p.86) 他们代表了两种不同的奴隶制。
What characterizes Helot-type groups by contrast with slaves of the Athenian type is first of all their homogeneity : they were all native peoples (whether Greek or non-Greek), who spoke the same language, and who are commonly held to have been reduced to the status of dependents through conquest, at the time of the arrival of those who later were to become their masters and form a warrior aristocracy . (p.86) 黑劳士跟雅典奴隶不同在于，他们是同一种族的，都是土著居民，说同样的语言，通过被征服而成为奴隶。
Being homogeneous peoples these groups could reproduce themselves : one did not buy Helots at the sl ave market, whereas slaves in Athens were generally imported and purchased like any other commodity. (p.87) 作为同一种族的人，他们能够再生产自己，不用通过到奴隶市场上购买。这与雅典不同。
In Sparta, by contrast, it was regular (at least from the time of the Peloponnesian War onwards) to use Helots in warfare. In this case, if they were freed (wh ich did not follow automatically) it was sometimes (though not always)
after their period of service, and subsequently they continued to be liable to military service . (p.87) 斯巴达经常在战争使用奴隶，
The Helots freed by the state (they could not be manumitted by individuals, unlike the slaves in Athens who mostly belonged to individuals) became Neodamodeis, that is to say 'new members of the damos' ; they were thus in a (to us mysterious) sense 'citizens' of Sparta without being on the same footing as the Peers . (p.87) 黑劳士可以通过被国家释放而成为新成员，新公民。
The pattern of Helot revolts further underscores the differences(p.87)
between the two types of subjects . (p.88) 黑劳士的反叛进一步突出了两种奴隶制的差异。
The situation was quite different in Sparta ; Helot revolts were a permanent factor in her history [see nos 50, 58, 59, 61 ]. As a matter of fact it would be more correct to speak of revolts of the Helots of Me sseni a rather than Helot revolts in general, for here one must distinguish between two groups, the Helots of Laconia and those of Messenia. (p.88) 黑劳士的反叛是一个固定的因素，确切地说是美塞尼亚的黑劳士，而非拉科尼亚的。
The demand for secession and 'Messenian power', then, was the other course of action open to the Messenian Helots, apart from integration in the Spartan state . (p.88)
The originality of Sparta
In fact it would seem from the evidence of archaeology that imports to Sparta ceased completely in the course of the sixth century. (p.90) 考古证据显示斯巴达的进口在六世纪中就已经完全停止了。
One may also note the unusual fact that Sparta, altho ugh she was considered a polis by the other Greek states, and although her history belongs to the history of the polis in general, was untypical in comparison with other poleis in that she had no proper urban centre : not only were there no fortifications (only the men were to defend the
city) , but there was not even a fortified acropolis, such as were known in many civic centres. Instead, the Spartiates lived scattered about in five villages [see no 55] . (p.90) 跟其它城邦相比，斯巴达不是一个典型的城邦，它没有中心城镇，没有堡垒要塞，没有卫城。斯巴达人住在五个分散的村落里。
Sparta, although a military state, was not strictly a militaristic one, and did not pursue victory in war over foreigners and conquest by force as ends in themselves. These motives did once exist at an earlier stage in the history of Sparta. Then came the decisive change, after the second Messenian war, in the time of Tyrtaeus. Sparta became an introverted state which aimed at nothing but its own preservation . (p.90) 斯巴达是军事国家，但不是一个军国主义国家。历史上，它的军事发过转变，最后只为了保存自己。
5 Classical Athens
Characteristics of the Athenian type of state
Briefly, they inclu ded the complete elimination of internal subj ects (after Solon there were no more slaves of Athenian origin in Athens) , and the placing on the same level of political and legal equality of all the citizens. (p.94)简言之，他们消除了内部的奴役，把所有公民置于同等的政治和社会地位之上。（雅典类型的城邦的本质特点）
In Athens the distinction between the various legal categories was clear cut : the distinction between free man and slave as that between citizen and non-citizen was sharply drawn, and intermediate categories were eliminated. Con
currently with the disappearance of internal subjects the role of outsiders developed (both free men and slaves) : the two processes were linked. (p.94) 自由民和奴隶之间的区别就如同公民和非公民之间的区别一样明确，并且没有中间形态。伴随着内部奴役的消失，外邦人的角色发展了起来，两个进程是相互关联的。
Furthermore, at the same time as the inequal ities in status of the Athenians were removed and the progression towards democracy was pursued, the body of the Athenians became an entirely exclusive one closed to outsiders. (p.94) 雅典成为一个排外的机体。
The grant of Athenian citizenship to outsiders was always therefore in principle a privilege, conferred sometimes on individuals, more rarely on groups. (p.95) 雅典授予外邦人公民权总的来说是一种优待，有时给予个人，很少给予群体。
The citizens
The only genuine economic distinction which separated citizens (p.95)
from non-citizens (whether free or slave) - but it was a fundamental one - concerned the ownership of land. (p.96) 经济上真正能够划分公民和非公民的是土地所有权。（非公民不能拥有土地）
For one thing it was an accepted notion in many Greek cities that the possession of civic rights must depend in some way on the ownership of land ; exa mples were seen earlier of cities which restricted the possession of full civic rights
to landowners (Thebes, Cyrene) . (p.96) 在许多希腊城邦中，这是一个广泛接受的观念：公民权有赖于土地所有权。
On the other hand the link between the land and the citizen could work in the other direction : the citizen wanted to be a la ndowner, and his status as a citizen served as a basis for his claim to the ownership of land. (p.97) 土地和公民的联系：公民想要成为土地所有者，而他作为公民的地位是他要拥有土地的基础。
And yet Athens was at the ti me the city in the Greek world where manufacture and commerce had reached their greatest development : in other cities it is likely that the proportion of citizens with a share in la nded property was higher still. (p.97) 雅典的手工业和商业是发展程度最高的。
The intellectu al and social elite of Athens was always to a great extent composed of landowners, at least until the Peloponnesian War, when a new evolution set in. (p.97) 雅典的知识和社会精英很大程度上是由土地所有者组成的，至少直到伯罗奔尼撒战争之前，那时一个新的演变发生了。
It was only at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War that a change set in, and one saw some nouveaux riches, whose fortune was not based on landed property, presume to lead the people as Pericles and his predecessors had done. (p.98) 只有在伯罗奔尼撒战争开始后，才出现了新变化，一些新富试图领导人民，而他们的财富不是基于土地。
A few words may be said here on a su bject which has been at the centre of a long controversy, namely the question of the inalienabil ity of land 1o. 1t has been maintained that land remained inaliena ble in Attica right down to the Peloponnesian War, and that the restriction then disappeared because of the upheaval caused by the war [see no 65 ]. (p.98) 土地的不可转让性：在阿提卡，土地直到伯罗奔尼撒战争都是不可转让 的，而战争带来的动荡使得这限制消失了。
That the Peloponnesian War did affect the conditions of land tenure in Attica is certain, and besides it is obviously true that in the fourth century land was alienable ; the fact is, however, that for the fourth century the sources are much fuller than before (notably the orators) . (p.98) 可以确定，伯罗奔尼撒战争对阿提卡土地保有条件产生了影响，并且显然在四世纪时土地是可以转让的；事实是，四世纪的资料比之前更丰富了。
The metics
The metics were free men, both Greek and non-Greek, domiciled in Athens or in Attica, some in a more or less permanent way, others for a more limited period of time. (p.99)
Metics were subj ected to a number of different obligations : they had to pay the metoikion (the tax on the metics), which may not have been very high (12 drachmae a year for grown-up men, 6 drachmae for adult women if they lived on their own) , but which sym bolized the inferiority of their status as compared with citizens. (p.99) 外邦人有许多义务，他们必须付外邦人头税，税不高，但表明他们的地位低于公民。
Metics also each had to find a prostates (a patron) , an Athenian citizen who would undertake to represent them at law [see no 64] . (p.99) 外邦人要找到一个保护人，在法律上代表他们。
Finally the metics were subjected according to their wealth to the same financial obligations as citizens (l iturgies, war taxes see Chapter 6) . (p.100) 最后，外邦人根据他们的财富要像公民履行相应的金融义务。
These obligations may not have been particul arly burden some, but all the same the status of metic suffered from a number of obvious limit ations as compared with that of citizen . (p.100) 这些义务可能不是很重，但外邦人要受到很多的限制。
The econ omic consequ ences of this restriction can easily be imagined : being debarred from the right to own land, metics automatically turned to all forms of economic activity other than agriculture, such as manufacture, com merce, banking business, etc. (p.100) 这些限制在经济上产生的后果很容易想象：由于被禁止拥有土地，外邦人就转向了其他行业，如手工业、商业、金融业等等。
It is difficult to attempt a genuine hi story of the Athenian metics before the end of the fifth century : it is only then and specially for the fourth century that adequate sources are available. (p.100) 很难建构五世纪末期之前的雅典外邦人的历史，只有在此之后，特别是四世纪，才有足够的资料。
The answer, whether given by philosophers, statesmen or just ordinary citizens, is not in doubt : the city needed the metics, because of all the economic services they provided (man ufacture, trade) , because of the revenues they
brought to the city without costing anything, and because of their use in the army and navy [see nos 74, I22, I27, I28, I29J . (p.101) 哲学家、政治家和普通的公民都认为：由于外邦人提供的经济服务、他们给城邦带来的收入以及他们在军队和海军中的使用，雅典需要他们。
The point needs underscoring : the presence of metics was not merely tolerated but actively encouraged by the city (and as will be seen below citizens did not consider metics to be rivals in economic activity) . (p.101) 需要强调的是：外邦人的存在不仅得到容忍，而且受到城邦的鼓励。
The slaves
In practice slaves in Athens enj oyed some protection from the law : one could not maltreat a slave or put him to death with imp unity (the murder of a slave, as th at of a metic, was assimilated to involuntary homicide) . But the slave had no legal personality : (p.101) 在实际中，雅典的奴隶享有一定的法律保护：任何人不能残暴对待奴隶或者杀死奴隶却不受惩罚。但奴隶没有法律上的人格（他们需要由主人代表）。
On the functions performed by slaves in Athens one can lay down as a general rule that there were hardly any specifically servile activities, and that slaves did much the same things as free men in Athens. (p.102) 奴隶的功能：奴隶没有什么独特的服务活动，他们和自由民做同样的事。
slaves were to be found in more or less every branch of Athenian activity, and doing the same work as free men : agriculture, commerce, manufacture, domestic work, etc. (p.102) 奴隶在雅典的活动的各个分支中或多或少地都存在，他们 像自由民一样做着相同的事情，如农业，商业，手工业，家务活街等。
The real distinction lay in the conditions under which work was performed. A free man worked (or wanted to
work) for himself, whereas the majority of slaves worked for someone else (with the exception of those few privileged slaves who enjoyed a certain de facto independence) . (p.102) 真正的区别是：自由民为自己而工作，而奴隶为他人工作。
The legal categories do not correspond to social classes法律范畴并不对应于社会阶层
They were clearly defined : any movement, whether in an upward or a downward direction, went directly from one category to the next without going through intermediate stages. (p.103) （公民、外邦人和奴隶）界定得十分清楚：任何变动，无论向上还是向下，都是直接从一个范畴直接到另一个范畴，没有过渡形态。
But from a social point of view the Athenians did not constitute a single social cl ass. There were among them considerable differences in wealth, with at the top of the scale a sma ll very wealthy minority, at the bottom the poor Athenians who owned little or no land (the thetes) , although it is im possible to draw a very clear line between rich and poor (in our sense of the word) . (p.103) 但从社会角度来看，雅典人并没有组成一个单一的社会阶层。他们在财富有着相当地不同，顶端是一小部分富有者，底层是大多数的穷人，没有或只有很少的土地。
In the fifth century, metics in Athens were generally Greeks, and tended to prefer to settle in Athens in a more or less permanent way ; on the social plane these metics could achieve a high degree of assimilation with the Athenian community [see nos 67, 68, 69 ]. In the fourth century, by contrast, metics tended in increasing numbers to be 'ba rbarians' from many different countries - Thrace, Lydia, Caria, Phoenici a, Egypt, etc . (p.104) 在五世纪，雅典的外邦人大多是希腊人，并且倾向于以某种固定的方式定居于雅典；在社会层面上，他们很大程度上同化于雅典人。而四世纪，外邦人中来自许多不同国家的野蛮人的数量大大增加，他们跟希腊的外邦人正相反。
What did citizens think of the metics ? To be s'u re, traces of hostility against them are found in certain writers [see no 74] ; it is generally a question of so urces with an anti-democratic and xenophobic bias which complain of the freedom granted. to foreigners and sla ves in Athens (as compared with Sparta, for example). (p.104) 公民如何看待外邦人：可以确定，在某些作家中有对他们的敌意的痕迹。他们反民主，排外，抱怨赋予外邦人和奴隶以在雅典的自由。
The traces of hostility against metics that one occasionally comes across have at their root xenophobic feelings or social prej udices ; what is never at issue is economic rivalry of any kind between citizens and metics. (p.104) 对外邦人的敌意根源于排外情绪或者社会偏见，但从来不是由于公民和外邦人在经济上的竞争。
Again, as with metics, there were great differences in social status among slaves in Athens. 'S ome enj oyed an almost privileged position, like the public slaves or the slaves 'living apart', who were in practice more or less free and whose position did not differ much from th at of sm all free artis ans. DomestiC slaves might hope to be manumitted sooner or later. (p.105) 和外邦人一样，雅典奴隶的社会地位也有很大不同。一些公共奴隶接近于自由民，家内奴隶或早或晚可能会被释放，但在矿上的奴隶就比较悲惨。
Given all these differences in the position and origin of slaves in Athens it will be readily understood why Athens in spite of the num bers of slaves it owned - which must have been high17 - never (p.105)
experienced any sl ave revolts (that is, of course, organized revolts), unlike Sparta and other archaic societies where Helot revolts were a permanent re ality. Athenian slaves had neither unity, nor any class consciousness, nor any common programme of action. All they could demand was simply their freedom, and even that on a purely individual basis. Since access to political power was unthinka ble for them, the only form of action to which they could resort was simply running away when a favourable opportunity arose : thus the occupation of Deceleia in Attica
by the Peloponnesians and their allies from 413 onwards caused many flights of slaves [see no 76] . (p.106) 正因为雅典奴隶的来源和地位各不相同，所以雅典尽管奴隶人数很多，但不担心会有奴隶暴动。奴隶没有统一，没有阶级意识，没有任何共同的活动。他们所要的只是自由和个人基础。他们不追求政治权利，唯一想要的是在有利的时机逃跑，如伯罗奔尼撒战争中的奴隶逃亡。
It has often been said that the competition of sl ave labour had aggravated the position of the poorer citizens and had fostered tension between them and the slaves. Had this been the case there would certainly have been
echoes of this rivalry in the sources, but in fact there are none. ……It would not seem, then, that poor citizens saw in
sl aves possible rivals ; on the contrary, they regarded them as 'working compan ions 'I9. ……Inscriptions on temple buildings illustrate very well the absence of economic co mpetition between the different legal categories : one can see there citizens, metics and sla ves working together on the same site, doing the same kind of work and being paid the same sal ary [see no 73 ]. (p.106) 经常说奴隶劳动的竞争恶化了穷人的地位，导致了二者的对立。但资料中并无此证据。……穷人不仅没有把奴隶看成竞争者，反而视为工作伙伴……神庙里碑铭表明，三个不同的法律范畴的成员并没有经济上的竞争关系：公民、外邦人和奴隶在相同的地点，做着相同的工作，得到相同的薪水。
The economic effectiveness of the Athenian type of state
A number of aristocratic value ju dgments against work were deliberately combatted. There was in Athens a law attributed to Solon (w hether rightly or wrongly does not matter, since the law certainly existed in the classical period) directed against idleness, which instructed citizens to teach their sons a trade (see no 37]. Another law forbade someone to reproach anyone else with his poverty or the trade he exercised (see no 12]. To practice a manual craft did not disqualify citizens from enj oying their full political rights, and in the assem bly were to be found many
citizens who were artisans, shopkeepers, workers and traders2o ; (p.107) 许多贵族的反对工作的价值观受到反对。雅典有条反对懒惰，命令公民教儿子贸易。从事手工业没有妨碍公民享有政治权利。
In general one may note in fifth-century Athenian literature an evolution in ideas : traditio nal value ju dgments on
wealth and poverty and the moral qualities which were supposed to be connected with them are occasionally questioned2 I• (p.107) 总的来说，在五世纪和四世纪的文学中有一种观念上的演变：传统的关于贫富和道德的价值判断受到质疑。
All these new attitudes exercised some influence on the economic evolution of the city : Athens was in the fifth century (and rem ained in the fourth) the most developed Greek city from the economic point of view, and the real commercial centre of the whole of the eastern Mediterranean. To account for this expansion, one must no doubt bring into play factors other than the evolution of ideas (in particular the political suprem acy of the Athenian empire in the fifth century), but the freer atmosphere of Athens must undoubtedly have made its contribution too. (p.107) 这些新观念使得雅典成为经济发展程度最高的城邦，是东地中海的商业中心。这毫无疑问要归于观念的革新和雅典的自由氛围。
But was the evol ution a rad ical one ? It seems not, and it appears to have rem ained circumscri bed within certain limits22• One may first point out that the legi slation encouraging work and economic activity would not have been necessary if hostile (p.107)
attitudes had not existed. (p.108) 但这不是真正根本性的变革。事实上仍存在着强大的反对声音。
6 The Greek Cities and Economic Problems
Policy of imports and not exports
The fact is that strictly speaking there could not be any national industry or commerce because of the considerable role played in the whole of economic activity by outsiders (notably metics) , both in manufacture and in all trading activity, whether imp ort or export trade, and whether long range or short range. There is really no such thing as 'Athenian industry ' or 'Athenian trade' (concepts which, in fact, cannot be translated into Greek) . (p.114) 由于相当多的外邦人参与经济活动，所以很难说有什么真正的国家工业或商业，因此也就没有所谓的“雅典工业”或“雅典贸易”。
Another factor which prevented the development of modernstyle economic policies in Greek cities was the fragmentation of economic activity. Not only was econ omic activity shared out among cit� . zens and non-citizens, but it generally remained small scale in its organization. (p.114) 另一个妨碍现代经济概念应用的因素是希腊城邦在经济活动上的分散性。不仅经济活动在公民和非公民中共同存在，而且在组织形态一直保持很小的规模。
The import trades
one can catch glimpses of the imp ortant place that food supplies might hold in Athenian foreign policy. The concern to control directly or indirectly the sources of the supply of corn was a recurring factor in her policy. (p.115) 从雅典的外交政策可以看出雅典或多或少地试图控制粮食供应来源。
But it is only for the fourth century that one has more specific evidence about the means used by the Athenians to safeguard their supplies and the relations they mainta ined with certain states or rulers who controlled important supplies of corn. (p.116) 直到四世纪才有具体的证据表明雅典人用一些手段来确保粮食供应和维持和主要粮食供应城邦或统治者的关系。
It is also known that in Athens the assembly of the people had to include regularly on its agenda the question of the corn supply as well as the defence of the city's territory : both problems were on the same level8 • (p.116) 雅典公民大会经常讨论粮食供应问题，就像讨论城邦防卫一样，二者同等重要。（此外，雅典有各种法令鼓励粮食进口并限制粮食出口）
The grain trade is the only trade which Athenian law sought to regulate in this way : it is clear that the only concern of the city here was to ensure the regu larity of imp orts and protect the interests of the citizen-consumers. (p.116) 粮食贸易是唯一一个雅典法律试图进行管理的贸易。城邦关心的是确保进口和保护公民消费者的利益。
The special character of the economic preoccupations of Greek cities must be underscored ; strictly speaking they were not concerned with economic problems as such but with political ones. (p.118) 希腊城邦关心经济严格来说不是出于经济上的考虑，而是政治上的考虑。
The fiscal policy of Greek cities
For the rest, the overriding preoccupation of the city was simply to secure its reven ues, and here again the limits of this policy are apparent. The fiscal policy of Greek cities was generally speaking of a very rudimentary kind, both in its obj ectives and in its methods. (p.118) 除了（前面提到的粮食以及战略物资），希腊城邦对其它经济活动的关心只是为了确保它的收入。城邦的财政政策是很原始的，无论是从它的对象还是方法来说。
The way in which Greek cities disposed of any surpluses of revenue is characteristic of their economic mentality : instead of seeking to invest them profitably, they tended to spend them large"ly on non-economic enterprises - prestige projects in which pride and civic patriotism were allowed to express themselves freely with naive self-satisfaction, such as the construction of public monuments, both religious and secular. (p.119) 对于财政盈余，希腊人不是用于投资收益，而用在了非经济事业上，如大型公共建筑等。
Another way for Greek cities to spend the surplus of their revenues was the (more or less direct) redistribution of the wealth of the city among the citizens [see nos 20, III, II5] . 1t was an old idea, widely accepted among the Greeks, that the wealth of the city belonged to all the citizens (and not ju st the poorer ones) I2 ; a citizen might go so far as to expect to be maintained at the expense of the city . (p.119) 另一种处理财政盈余的方式是在公民当中分配财富。这是一种古老的观念，古希腊人广泛接受的，即城邦的财富属于全体公民；一个公民甚至可以依赖城邦的供给为生。
There is a strong temptation to describe all such distributions and su bventions as emanating from the abstract 's tate ', but the temptation must be firmly resisted. The 'state' did not exist as an abstraction for the citizens I6• It was not the 'state' which distributed money to Athenians who wished to attend performances at the theatre during the festivals of Dionysus, in the same way as Social Security pays out sickness benefits ; what happened was that the Athenians redistributed among themselves part of the revenues of the community. (p.120) 有人试图将这些分配描述为从那个抽象的“国家”中发出，但这是错的。对于公民来说，国家不是作为一个抽象物而存在。并不是有一个抽象的国家在分配财富，而只不过是雅典人在自己当中分配共同体的收入的一部分。
The Greek cities and their revenues : mines
For Greek cities which had imp ortant mines on their territory or in their sphere of control (and this was always the exception : generally speaking the essential sou rces of metal, both precious and common, were to be found outside the Greek worldI7) , there was a source of revenue which could not be allowed to remain in the form of private property. The general tendency for Greek cities was therefore to monopolize the ownership of mines in order to ensure their- revenues [see nos 20, 94] . (p.120) 有矿的城邦一般会进行专营，以保证矿场收入。
Taxation
Direct and regular taxes on the property of citizens and especia lly their persons were usually avoided ; they were felt to be degrading. ……By contrast there was no hesitation in taxing non-citizens. (p.121) 对公民的财产和个人的直接和常规征税是他们通常要避免的；他们觉得这是可耻的。……而对非公民他们就毫不犹豫了。
Here a con venient way round was available, in that it was an accepted principle in Greek cities that the wealthier citizens had a moral obligation to spend their wealth for the public good [see no 97]. This obligation, although unwritten, was strongly felt and consequently impossi ble to avoid altogether. (p.121) 富有的公民有义务为城邦的公共事务做贡献，这虽不是成文的，但却是不可逃避的。
In spite of the frequently high expenses incurred in the discharge of liturgies, they were not thought of as strictly economic services, but as civic services with honorific connotations. (p.122) 尽管花费很大，它们并不视为纯粹的经济服务，而作为带有崇敬意味的公民服务。
Indirect taxes, by contrast, were frequently resorted to by Greek cities and were one of their main sources of revenue [see no 92]. What was characteristic here was the almost complete absence of any discri mination between citizens and non-citizens in the raising of these taxes . (p.122) 间接税经常为希腊城邦所使用，是他们的主要收入之一。其特点是在征税中不分公民和非公民。
The city taxed economic activity in its various forms in different ways, without ever wondering whether it was thereby harming the interests of citizens or not. (p.122) 城邦用各种方法对经济活动进行征税，而不管它是否伤害了公民的利益。
Generally speaking it would appear that before the Hellenistic period taxes on economic activity only served a purely
fiscal purpose of raising reven ue. The idea of erecting customs (p.122)
barriers to protect the 'na tional' industry or trade does not even seem to have occurred to anyone. (p.123) 总的来说，在希腊化时期之前，对经济活动进行征税似乎只是单纯为了增加收入这一财政目的。建立关税障碍以保护民族工业的观念还未出现。
The exploitation of economic activity for fiscal purposes originated, as has been seen, in the archaic period (see Chapter 3). (p.123) 对经济活动征税起源于古风时期。
The control of economic activity
The raising of these various indirect' taxes was generally carried out by private contractors. The farming of the taxes was auctioned by the city. (p.123) 间接税的征收通常由私人承包者承担。由城邦进行拍卖。
But there also existed a number of magistracies which dealt with economic activity in general, (p.123) 但有许多管理经济活动的行政官员。
Occasionally in some oligarchic states the wish to supervise economic activity was prompted by deeper motives and it was economic activity as such that was to be kept under control. (p.124) 在寡头制城邦，监管经济活动的愿望更加强烈，并且试图控制经济活动。
The Greek cities and coinage
In the classical period, the use of coinage became more and more widespread, and in Athens in the fourth century all values were eventu ally expressed in monetary terms. (p.124) 在古典时期，货币的使用日趋广泛，在雅典四世纪时所有的价值都最终用货币术语来表达。
However, coinage always preserved some aspects which one could hardly describe as strictly economic23 ; the possession of an autonomous coinage was a symbol of political independence, and the right to strike coinage was of course an exclusive privilege of the city. (p.124)
Usually, however, most Greek cities did not seek to impose their coinage abroad and were in any case not in a position to do so (even Athens had only limited success in her attempt, it seems ). (p.125) 通常希腊城邦不寻求在国外推行货币，同时也没有这个条件，即使雅典也并不成功。
On the other hand, they did naturally impose the use of their own coins within their own territory, though not necessarily to the exclusion of other coinages, and could at ti mes take direct steps to enforce this, as has been shown again by a recently discovered Athenian law on coinage of 375 -374 [see no I02] . (p.125) 另一方面，他们会自然而然地在本国强制推行货币。
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